Young PAP under the WikiLeaks spotlight

Chan Jia Hui

Young PAP Contingent rehearsing for 2011 National Day Parade

Young PAP Contingent rehearsing for 2011 National Day Parade

The release of leaked diplomatic cables by WikiLeaks that analysed developments within the Young PAP (YP) made its rounds within cyberspace. Revelations include a surge in membership numbers, and its current role as a club for socialising and recruitment. The Young PAP also served as a feedback organ from young Singaporeans to PAP seniors.

The YP office holders who communicated with the Political Officer presumably from the US embassy, Joel Leong and Phyllis Chng also opined that as young Singaporeans became more educated, they will naturally demand for more openness. They acknowledged that Singapore has to respond to the needs of these young Singaporeans, albeit incrementally over time.

Another revelation was an acknowledgement by Leong and Chng that YP has played a limited role in cultivating the next generation of PAP leaders. A notable former YP member who has made it to the Singapore cabinet is George Yeo, who lost out in last May’s General Elections to a strong Workers’ party team.

Tin Pei Ling and Vikram Nair are YP members who are currently Members of Parliament (MP). Pei Ling was a former assistant treasurer of YP and is currently Chairperson of the Ulu Pandan Youth Executive Committee for YP. Pei Ling and Vikram were recently elected into parliament, a development that was later than the last date of leaked cables.

The cable’s revelation about PAP drawing its candidates from other sources such as the National Trade Union Congress (NTUC), civil service and other areas did not come as a total surprise. New candidates usually came from the top echelons of civil service or were leaders and high achievers within their fields in the private sector.

To a large extent, PAP’s sourcing of candidates mimicked those of academic and corporate entities in casting a wider net to hopefully capture future leaders outside its organisation. The party’s rationale is that these high fliers and achievers would have accumulated a great degree of clout, influence and support throughout their careers.

Since, such “big fishes” are believed to come with their support base or sphere of influence, having one of such within the party’s ranks is considered a coup.

A second reason behind the YP’s limitation in producing future leaders has more to do with the culture here. During one’s younger days, there is a desire to establish his career and attempt to rise to the very top tier rather than to try and enter the political arena at a more tender age. Many of such potential candidates did not join the PAP when they were younger.

Vikram and Pei Ling are exceptions here in the sense that they entered politics at a relatively young age. Vikram entered parliament at 33 while Pei Ling is currently 27. The latter has since quit her job at Ernst and Young to focus her time on her MP duties.

The perception here is that career achievements are synonymous with credibility. This revisits the earlier point about the PAP casting a wider net to look for high-flying individuals from the private and public sector. Having high achievers in the private and public sector with accolades on their curriculum vitae comes with a perception of greater credibility.

Such a notion was not lost on the opposition. Three prominent opposition candidates, Chen Show Mao, Tan Jee Say and Ang Yong Guan, are prime examples of high fliers in their respective careers, and have been synonymous with credibility, at least in the very eyes of their voters.

Chen Show Mao dubbed Workers’ Party’s secret weapon before his unveiling was a top student in Singapore’s national examinations. He subsequently studied in Harvard and Stanford, and also earned a Rhodes’ Scholarship to Oxford. He became a top corporate lawyer and a partner in the law firm, Davis Polk & Wardell LLP before stepping down to concentrate on his MP duties.

Tan Jee Say was a former government scholar who read politics, philosophy and economics at Oxford. He subsequently rose to the Deputy Prime Minister’s principal private secretary but left the civil service to join the private sector, particularly the finance industry. Recently, he gained the Certificate of Eligibility to contest the Presidential elections, which recognised that he had experience managing more than $100 million worth of funds.

Therefore, the usual route of entry into politics is to be established in one’s career first. After that, the desire to render a public service in the case of Chen Show Mao or enter politics will lead to the individual entering the political cauldron.

Commentators have also highlighted another unexpected but relevant source of PAP candidates, the ones who have been co-opted. Prime examples of co-opted candidates were Vivian Balakrishnan and Raymond Lim. Years ago, Vivian used to be outspoken and critical, but has since turned silent. Vivian is currently minister for environment and water resources.

Raymond proved to be a more interesting case. He was a former Rhodes and Colombo Plan scholar, and was Singapore’s previous minister for transport. He was also the co-founder of Roundtable, a now defunct political club, which The Economist described as resembling a nucleus of the opposition.

When Roundtable organised an event that was publicised on the Think Centre website, 2 of its members were summoned to the police to assist with investigations. The publication of event on the website subjected it legally to licensing.

To reiterate, the trend has been that potential candidates usually develop themselves in their careers rather than enter the political scene early. This is reinforced by voters’ perception of candidates especially in linking credibility to career achievements. This notion is not lost on the PAP as it casts a wide net outside YP to identify high fliers as future candidates.

The PAP also draws its candidates from the ranks of whose who have been co-opted. Rather than having such candidates in the opposition ranks, co-opting them into the party’s ranks is another often used strategy. One, it eliminates a possibility of an electoral threat, and second, it gives the impression of the party’s tolerance for diversity, inclusive of dissenting opinions.

To sum up, it was not all surprising that PAP gets its leaders from a wide variety of other sources. If anything, the cable leak confirms a widely held opinion on how the PAP works.