A safety net for securing the South China Sea

Kelvin Teo

Singapore's RSS Formidable steams along side India's INS Brahmaputra in the Bay of Bengal

Singapore's RSS Formidable steams along side India's INS Brahmaputra in the Bay of Bengal

The South China Sea is a source of interest to multiple stakeholders, in particular the claims made by ASEAN nations Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia and Vietnam, and China plus Taiwan to areas occupied by the Spratly Islands. The Spratly Islands’ rich oil and natural gas resources as established according to surveys and its rich fishing grounds in addition to the fact that the area straddles major shipping routes made them a source of international interest by the stakeholders.

Claims over the Spratly Islands

The Philippines claim comprises 8 islands known as the Kalayaan on the basis of their discovery by a Filipino explorer in 1956. The islands are designated as part of the Palawan province. Malaysia currently controls three islands but wants to lay claim to the whole chain of islands on the basis that they rest on its continental shelf. Brunei’s claim to the southern part of the chain of Spratly Islands is also based on the continental shelf principle. Under the Law of the Sea, the stretch of seabed (continental shelf) adjacent to the shores of a country is considered its territorial waters. Indonesia is not a claimant to any area occupied by the Spratly but is involved in this issue owing to the fact that the claims by Taiwan and China extends to its Natuna gas field that lies on its continental shelf and within its Exclusive Economic Zone, a sea zone over which a particular state has special rights over exploration and resource utilisation. The Vietnamese claim to the Spratly are based on the similar continental shelf principle as that of its ASEAN neighbours and also historical reasons – the Spratly was considered part of the empire of Annam. An expedition sent by King Gia Long to chart sea lanes later occupied and settled on the islands. The islands were subsequently annexed by the French, Vietnam’s colonial rulers, and hence, the claim that they should inherit the French’s possessions. Vietnam currently controls three islands.

The Chinese and the Taiwanese both lay a historical claim to the Spratly. Expeditions to the area were sent to the islands during the Han dynasty around 110 A.D., and during the Ming dynasty from 1403 A.D. to 1433 A.D.. Furthermore, Chinese fishermen and merchants have worked in the area over time. The Taiwanese claim to the Spratly is similar to the Chinese but has more to do with their assertion that Taiwan and its Kuomingtang government are the true China.

Security issues in the South China Sea

As a signal of its claim over the Spratly Islands, China adopted a stand of growing maritime enforcement through military means, and completed its naval deployment in the area in April 2010. China’s most modern warships comprising the flotilla from its North Sea fleet sailed into the Spratly archipelago during the deployment exercise. China has also established a naval base on Hainan Island capable of housing nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers. The Chinese Air Force also conducted exercises of their own, departing from airfields within the mainland and putting stealth and night-flying skills, midair refueling, radar jamming and simulated bombing raids out into the South China Sea to the test. The Chinese have also developed the world’s first anti-ship ballistic missile dubbed the Dong Feng 21 that is capable of targeting a moving aircraft carrier group using mobile land-based launchers.

The Philippines meanwhile established a garrison in Palawan and deployed 1,000 marines on 7 of the islands. Malaysia, on the other hand, has sought to modernise its Air Force, given its advantage of possessing land bases in proximity to the Spratly particularly in Labaun, Sabah which is 150 nautical miles away.

Claimants to the Spratly Islands have accused each other of detaining or harassing marine vessels from the respective countries. Beijing has accused Vietnam, Malaysia and Philippines of harassing and confiscating Chinese trawlers. And earlier this year, Philippines accused Beijing of harassment of a Philippine exploratory vessel by Chinese patrol boats.

Besides the conflicts between stakeholders, a major pressing issue is piracy within the South China Sea. Last year, the growing number of piracy attacks led a global maritime watchdog to issue a warning on the issue.

Vital shipping lanes straddle the South China Sea and are the lifeline of trade between ASEAN nations and China, Australia plus the rest of the world. The tensions over ownership claims of the Spratly in addition to the piracy issue could threaten the stability and security of the South China Sea and have adverse impact on trade and shipping exports within the region.

Australian and American interest in the South China Sea

On 27 February 2009, Australia, New Zealand and ministers of ASEAN nations signed the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement (FTA) which came into effect from 1st January 2010. It was the largest and most comprehensive FTA that ASEAN has ever signed and spans a population of over 600 million and a combined Gross Domestic Product of AUD$3.1 trillion. In 2009, two way trade with ASEAN totalled AUD$76.5 billion and comprised 15.1% of Australia’s total trade.

Australia also has a direct interest in the developments within the South China Sea. A major Australian resource company BHP Biliton has exploration rights within a disputed area near the Spratly. And more importantly, Australian trade with Northeast Asian economies passes directly through the region. Legally, Australia is a direct stakeholder in the maintenance of international legal instruments, especially the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea that provides the framework for resolving tensions among the claimant states.

As far as American interest in the South China Sea is concerned, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared in 2010 that US has a “national interest” in resolving the claims made by the various nations over the sovereignty of the Spratly Islands. She added that the US supports a “diplomatic process” in the resolution of territorial dispute by claimants, and further asserted that the US does not support any of the countries laying their claims over the islands.

Clinton’s declaration came more than a year after a minor skirmish involving an American navy vessel and five Chinese ships. Five Chinese ships manoeuvred dangerously close to an unarmed American navy vessel, the USNS Impeccable, despite the fact that the latter sprayed one of the ships with water from fire hoses in an attempt to force it away. The crew of the Chinese ship being sprayed at stripped down to their underwear and continued to close in on the America vessel. Washington responded by dispatching heavily armed destroyers to protect American surveillance ships.

Currently, Washington is considering whether to increase its military presence within the South China Sea by deploying its troops in Australia. According to Admiral Robert Willard, the commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, Australia desires to see an increased American military presence in the region, and was forthcoming in extending overtures to the American government to consider increasing the level cooperation with the Australian Armed Forces.

Advanced detection technology to pre-empt conflicts

The No 1 Radar Surveillance Unit of the Royal Australian Air Force operates a network of Over-The-Horizon (OTH) radar known as the Jindalee Operational Radar Network. An OTH radar is a type of radar system that is capable of detecting targets at long ranges and is an early warning system that can detect potential threats at long range so that a response can be mounted. The radar works by transmitting signals to the ionosphere which reflects them to the ground. This gives the Jindalee radars an added ability to detect stealth aircrafts. Stealth aircrafts are designed to defeat conventional radars from head-on, but not so for reflected waves from the ionosphere above, which is the concept upon which OTH radars are designed upon. Jindalee is also reputed to possess another capability – the ability to detect aircraft wake turbulence regardless of whether it is stealth or not.

The range of area scanned by the Jindalee Operational Radar Network from the deployed radar stations within Australia

The Jindalee network is deployed in Queensland and Western Australia, and is designed to monitor air and sea activity within 37,000 square km of coastline and ocean, acting as a security net that covers Australia’s northern approaches. One significant use of Jindalee is in the detection of boats landing in the northern shores of Australia.

Jindalee has another capability which will make it a vital component of the anti-ballistic missile defence shield as a missile detector – the ability to detect missile launches from ‘rogue’ states and track the trajectory of the missile so that it can be intercepted. Jindalee is now part of an American-Australian collaboration on an anti-missile defence system which involves detection of ballistic missiles by radar and their destruction by naval destroyers.

Australia’s role in ASEAN and the South China Sea

As far back as 1996, the Australian government agreed to share with the Indonesians data from its Jindalee network to promote the idea of common security.

Thus, given Jindalee’s early warning capabilities, it is worthwhile to consider establishing additional radar networks within the ASEAN region in order to monitor events within the South China Sea. The ASEAN region offers a host of potential sites for the deployment of Jindalee radar stations.

The purpose of a second Jindalee radar network is for purely observational and conflict preventive purposes. Given its long range nature, early warnings of potential threats leading to conflicts among the claimants to the Spratly Islands can be detected and non-confrontational mediatory measures could be taken to diffuse tensions immediately. The additional Jindalee radar network is also an invaluable tool in the fight against piracy given its ability to monitor maritime activity.

The implementation of a second Jindalee radar network within ASEAN that provides coverage of the South China Sea is a move that will definitely be welcomed by US, given the fact that China poses the greatest level of threat through its deployment of the Dong Feng 21 missiles capable of targeting ships. And given the fact that Jindalee has anti-stealth capability, it will at least provide an assurance especially to ASEAN nations within the region. China is currently developing the J20 Stealth fighter which is in the testing phase. The worry among ASEAN nations is that a stealth jet capable of penetrating conventional radars whilst not performing attacks on enemies’ territories are capable of performing reconnaissance and intelligence gathering missions within the air space of other nations, and is an intrusion that is not desired.

Hence, the deployment of Jindalee within ASEAN may not go down well with Beijing. However, it can be argued that the latter could also be beneficiaries of the early warning system provided by Jindalee. A Chinese tanker was attacked in June last year by pirates in a spate of six incidents involving different maritime vessels off the waters of Indonesia. With an early detection system in place, the information that it provides will be useful to security forces within the South China Sea in pre-empting threats from pirates. Since China and ASEAN nations have signed an FTA which came into effect from 2010, it will also be in Beijing’s interest that the trade routes connecting to ASEAN are safe and secure.

Nipping the bud early

The Spratly Islands within the South China Sea are a source of dispute between China and Taiwan, and ASEAN nations, especially with regards to the claim to them. Furthermore, the South China Sea is plagued by piracy which is a maritime safety concern. An early detection system could ideally be installed and a good candidate will be the Australian Over-The-Horizon radar system dubbed the Jindalee Operational Radar Network. It may be installed in sites within ASEAN nations, and its main function will be to detect early threats leading to conflicts amongst the claimants to the Spratly. Early detection of threats especially during the build-up phase can lead to early mediatory measures that will prevent escalation to full conflicts. The Jindalee radar network will also provide early detection warning against pirates, and could be a helpful tool to forces combating the pirates within the region.

Australia has interests within the South China Sea owing to its trade with ASEAN and with Northeast Asia, in addition to a major resource company having exploration rights in an area near the Spratly. It is also directly charged with maintaining the Law of the Sea. Hence, there is definitely a role for it to play, especially in the provision of early detection technologies that can pre-empt any threats that could adversely affect the safety and stability of the South China Sea region, and ultimately impact on the national interests and economies of the relevant stakeholders.